Tuesday, September 9, 2014
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UCPN (M) alliance objects Minister Mahat’s remark on federalism
Federal Republican Front, an alliance ofUCPN (Maoist) and Madhesh-based parties, has expressed serious concerns over the remarks made by Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahat.
Minister Mahat, who is on a visit to India, has yesterday said that the new constitution could be drafted by keeping aside the issue offederalism if consensus eluded on the same.
A meeting if the alliance in the Capital on Tuesday concluded that Minister Mahat’s remark was objectionable, irresponsible and against public sentiment. Issuing a statement today, the alliance comprising of UCPN (M), Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, MJF-Loktantrik, among other parties, deplored the minister’s statement dubbing it regressive.
“The question has been raised whether the statement also represents Nepali Congress, UML and the government,” further mentioned the statement, demanding the concerned stakeholders to clear this position on the same.
The summer of '99
I still remember the moment when I met her for the first time. Though, to be honest, I do not exactly remember many other things that had happened around that time. For instance, I do not remember the mathematical equations and formulas which we had to memorise during our school days. Many definitions of Physics never came to my mind when I had to recall them. Even when they came, they came with a certain degree of haphazardness, skewing the overall sense of the term. However, she remains vivid in my memory till date. Not only her, but also many other auxiliary things that come associated with her. Her dark hair, which more often than not emanated a fresh smell of shampoo, which she must have applied before she came to the school, her deep-seated eyes, long face, a mole on the left cheek, which must have been congenital, and a dimple, which settled on the cheeks every time she smiled, or even made an attempt to smile, are still fresh in my memory. At times I wonder if perhaps this might have been the reason why I was unable to memorise the equations and formulas, for my mind, during those times, was fully occupied with stuff related to the girl. Back then, I seriously believed that the reason behind it was that there was no further space left in my brain, for the space meant for memory was already overwhelmed with the girl. I might have been naïve to think that way, but then everybody is naïve during school days. I just might have been a little more.
I was a mediocre student--one who never failed, but also one who never achieved the dazzling heights. I was always in the middle, squeezed in between the brilliant and the dumb ones. Neither smart, nor dull. It was in the summer of 1999 that she came to our school as a new enrollment in the eighth grade. Our class teacher introduced her to the rest of the class as she stood idle while her fingers played with the edge of her skirt as she lowered her gaze to the floor. The teacher further said that she was originally from Darjeeling and that she had come to town with her parents, following her father’s transfer. ‘Niharika’ was the name the teacher uttered when he introduced her. Until then, I was sitting with my eyes staring down, my fingers covering my forehead. And as soon as I heard the teacher utter her name, which I found exotic, I looked up and threw a glance at her. She was beautiful. I kept looking at her until she
walked across several benches and came and sat in the row next to mine. And after all these years, I remember every single thing that happened between us after the day she first came to our class.
She was a little introverted, a little reticent like me, and it did not surprise me that she had few friends in the class. She talked only when spoken to or when she had to speak out of obligation. She was not the type who would approach people and talk with them just for the sake of talking or befriending a stranger. As she used to sit in front of my row, I had the privilege of observing her activities in class. As I myself was her replica, in being an introvert, we did not speak for the first two weeks. It was she who first found a reason to speak with me. Her ball-point pen betrayed her in the middle of a lecture and out of desperation, or so it seemed, she turned around, toward me, and gestured to ask if I had an extra pen. I rummaged through the pockets of my school bag, found one and gave it to her. Almost immediately, I realised that the pen was not in good condition and that it spilled ink occasionally. She was already scribbling in her copy, and as it was already too late, I dropped the idea about warning her about the pen’s condition. And it was only after the teacher had left the class that she turned back and showed her fingers, laced with blue ink. I feared that
she might be angry; but surprisingly, she had a smile planted on her face. With the next teacher already inside the class, all I could manage was a stifled apology.
“I am extremely sorry. I couldn’t tell you about the pen’s condition earlier,” I made a formal apology after the class was over.
“Oh, never mind. Looks like Holi has arrived earlier,” she quipped.
I didn’t know that she, an introvert, had such a sense of humour. Only then did I come to know
that the place she was staying at was near my place and that she, too, walked the same path I treaded on my way to school.
“We live in my father’s quarters, provided by the office,” she said. Her father worked in an INGO in town.
Then onwards, we came to the school and returned together. Our camaraderie, which I loved, had slowly started to grab our schoolmates’ attention, fueling jealousy in some, and amazement in others. My friends, especially the boys, teased me, which of course I ignored. We talked little while at school, aware of the people around us, for we did not want to be an everyday-topic. However, while we two were alone, like when we went to or returned from school, we opened up. She talked about her childhood days in Darjeeling and her friends over there. She even recounted one tale about how she went for a week of vacation with her family to Rajasthan when all the academic institutions were closed because of the Gorkhaland movement in the hills of Darjeeling.
“To be honest, I don’t even know what the Gorkhaland movement is for,” she said. I too didn’t know what it was for then. All I knew was that the people of Darjeeling were demanding a separate state.
And one day, while we were returning from school early in the afternoon, as it was a Friday, I asked her, almost casually, if she was interested in going for a movie with me. To my surprise, she readily agreed. And, without even changing our school uniform, we went for a movie, a recently released Bollywood romantic flick. And the only thing I remember today is not the film or its plot, but the fact that she had, for the first time, held my hands, in the darkness inside the cinema hall. The other thing I now remember is how we emerged from the hall, our hands still clasped tight, our faces blushed. I also remember a light peck, my first kiss, which she left on my cheeks, later in the day when we were heading home.
And after all these years, as I stand in front of the window of my house, looking at the rain, I recollect all those memories of those two years. Soon after completing the tenth grade, she left the town along with her family, as her father was transferred to another town, leaving me and our slowly growing companionship behind. The bud was snapped even before it had developed into a flower. The day she left town, it rained--not heavy, but a continuous drizzle throughout the day. Misty eyed, I watched her depart, from the balcony. And even to this day, whenever it drizzles, or when I listen to the dying sound of a van’s engine, I remember that rainy day when she disappeared from town. And later on, from my life.
Rite of passage
Dahal Sir’s class after lunch break was the usual boring affair. He was reading a passage from Bhawani Bhichu’s Mero Sano Sathi in his usual drab monotonous voice and almost half of the eighth graders were falling asleep. Among those in the class who were still awake, a few were gossiping, while Ravi and Sanjiv, seated in the back, were both peering into their copybooks and chuckling at something.
The lines read: “Through the peephole the boy saw the maid spreading herself under the moonlight as her nightgown sprawled along the bed sheet .....” All of sudden, both boys felt a hard smack on the back of their skulls. For a moment, everything turned dark and when their eye sights cleared, the stern figure of Dahal Sir stood in front of them.
“What the hell are you two supposedly doing?” he yelled.
Both boys were nervous. Ravi stammered and said, “Sorry, Sir.”
He received another hard blow to his face. “Give me what you are reading,” Dahal Sir said. As both the boys hesitated, Dahal Sir snatched the book from them, tearing the cover of Raat ki Urvashi.
A pin-drop silence fell over the class. Even those who were feeling drowsy till then were now at full attention. Everyone was facing the blackboard, but their eyes kept glancing towards the boys, who were both standing with their heads bowed low; their faces had turned completely crimson with utter embarrassment. The overbearing silence made them feel as if they had been put in a torture rack and there was no way out.
Twisting both of the boys’ ears Dahal Sir yelled again, “Both of you guys will be expelled. Let’s go to the principal’s room.”
With pain and fear, both of them cried, “Please Sir. This won’t happen again. We are sorry. Don’t take us to the principal’s room.”
It was around a week back that the erotic work by the notorious writer who used the pen name KP had been introduced into the classroom. It was first brought into the class by Mukesh, the oldest among the kids and bit of a pervert. The graphic paperback with the racy illustrations, available only in shady corners of Ratnapark, really captured the imagination of the adolescent boys. The lines, words and images in the book simply overwhelmed them. They couldn’t decide whether the things they were reading were immoral, sinful or normal. The only idea of sex they had had before was a foggy idea based on the vague descriptions given to them during their biology class by an embarrassed Mrs Amatya. What they had learned in class so far was based simply on routine pedantic biological discourse and nothing more. But now after perusing the nitty gritty details of carnal pleasure, the gratuitous curiosity among the boys had reached fever pitch. They felt a shock and awe that rattled their very moral foundations. By the time Sanjiv and Ravi were caught, the lewd book had already been lasciviously read by almost all the boys in the class.
Sanjiv had always been a well-disciplined student who was good at studies. He was a pale, lanky boy with an awkward husky voice, thanks to the onset of early puberty. He came from a prominent business family and had a good reputation. Ravi, on the other hand, was a mischievous kid with a chubby face, and he wasn’t all that good at studies. His father had abandoned the family when he was just a kid; he had suffered through hardship and was brought up by his mother, who worked as a clerk in a government bank. Both the students had never had any record of transgressions and had always abided by the rules and regulations. But now, standing in the principal’s room, both boys were shaking with absolute fear. Principal Lal Kaji Sir was a very stern man. Boys used to be scared of even venturing near him. Putting his glasses down and pursing his lips, Principal Lal Kaji shook his head with complete disdain. “How disgusting. You boys were reading porn in class. I will call your parents. You both will be immediately expelled,” he said.
The news reached Mr Bhojraj Basnet, father of Sanjiv, like a firestorm. He was in the middle of a board meeting when a call from his son’s school interrupted him. Fearing something bad might have happened he rushed to the school. Upon discovering the real reason for the call, he became extremely agitated. He could not believe that his son could soil his image in such an ignominious fashion. Seeing his own flesh and blood standing with his head bowed down, he felt utter embarrassment and was at a loss for words. Right in front of the principal and all the teaching staff, he slapped his son real hard. Tears fell from Sanjiv’s eyes, while his father scolded him at the top of his voice: “You have tarnished the image of our family! I am ashamed to even call you my son!” His father’s harsh words made Sanjiv cry inconsolably, while Ravi stood near the door, visibly shaken.
Inside the prinicpal’s office Lal Kaji Sir and Mr Basnet started to have a grave conversation.
“This is a very serious issue Basnetji. Our school’s regulations clearly state that your son will have to be expelled,” Lal Kaji Sir said.
“I understand your dilemma, Lal Sir. But you have to understand that I am a prominent businessman with a wholesome image. If the media even get a whiff of what has happened, this will bring my entire family into disrepute. Why don’t you put all the blame on the other kid and let my son off the hook?” Mr Basnet said.
“Well, I can’t help in that regard at all. Action should be taken on both boys,” said the principal.
“Well, Sir. In that case let me remind you that my company donates a huge sum to your school. I know you are a practical man and if you expel my son, you will have to say goodbye to all the money,” Mr Basnet threatened. “And believe me, I am not bluffing.”
Mr Basnet’s warning regarding the repercussions of expelling Sanjiv made the principal think hard. Forgoing the considerable donation would place the entire school in a financial fix. After some thoughtful deliberation, Lal Sir finally conceded, “ Considering the facts, sure Mr Basnet, we will let your son go this time. But he will have to put in extra class hours. And also, please make sure he doesn’t fall into bad company.”
Relieved by the Lal Kaji Sir’s forthcoming attitude, Mr Bhojraj spoke in a sombre tone, “Sure, Principal Sir. I am really thankful to you. I will make sure that my son will comply with everything. And I will make sure he won’t be friends with that other kid.”
“Don’t worry. We will expel Ravi. Our school should set an example so that boys don’t commit similar transgressions in the future,” Lal Kaji Sir said, with a malicious twinkle in his eyes.
In the following week, Ravi was expelled from school while Sanjiv remained absent for a week. When Sanjiv later resumed school again, other students hardly spoke to him. Going to school became a nightmare, as he remained a solitary figure. The psychological toll of being ostracised by his peers, together with his pent-up feelings of guilt began to affect his studies. In the mid-term exams, he failed both Nepali and Maths. As a result, he was forced to visit his teachers’ home every Saturday for extra tuition classes while other children enjoyed their holiday. Sanjiv hated it and wished he could get away from everything and even thought about running away from his home. But he loved his mom dearly and couldn’t even fathom the pain something like that would inflict on her. So grudgingly he obeyed everything.
During one of the tuition classes at Dahal Sir’s home, Sanjiv was finding it very difficult to keep his attention on the topic of arcane grammatical rules for forming a portmanteau of Nepali words. Meanwhile, Dahal Sir, ever since learning that Sanjiv came from a well to do family, had become apparently obsequious towards him.
“Let’s take a break, kid. Go and rest in the living room while I work on a few things I have to do,” Dahal Sir said unctuously.
Feeling relieved, Sanjiv loitered into the next room, which was well-carpeted. It had a TV in one corner and a large bookcase near the wall. Spotting a children’s folktale section, he pulled a paperback from the shelf, and a sheaf of papers fell onto the floor. As he stooped and picked them up, he came upon lines written in Dahal Sir’s handwriting, which read: “Under the darkness, the maid started to caress her master....” A chill went up Sanjiv’s spine. Hurriedly he sifted through the pages and saw the trademark KP inked at the bottom. Holding the chunk of paper, he finally comprehended the phony world—all the while completing his rite of passage.
Consensus will be sought till very end of constitution process
Saturday, August 6, was the deadline for the Constituent Assembly’s (CA) Political Dialogue and Consensus Committee (PDCC) to resolve contentious issues of the constitution, according to the CA calendar. The deadline passed without the parties having resolved any of the outstanding issues. A proposal to extend the deadline was opposed and instead, the PDCC will now be presenting both resolved and outstanding issues to the CA. In the meantime, the PDCC will continue inter-party talks. Pranaya SJB Rana spoke to Nepali Congress (NC) General Secretary and Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee Krishna Prasad Sitaula on the reasons behind the failure to reach consensus, the NC’s stances on federalism and forms of governance, and ongoing talks for a High Level Political Committee (HLPC).
The constitution-writing process has arrived at the same place as the last CA, and once again, it seems deadlocked.
The process started late this time around. The CA drafted its rules with the understanding that there would be talks with parties outside of the CA and gave this mandate to the PDCC. But the parties outside the CA refused to sit for talks with the PDCC; the Mohan Baidya-led CPN-Maoist said that it would only talk with the government. This whole process caused delay. Hopefully, it will be sorted out in a few days time. The PDCC and the government should both have taken the process forward and reached a conclusion by now. Any conclusion would have sufficed, whether consensus was reached or not. Initially, I did not see much seriousness; some leaders even joked about pushing back the CA calendar. If they had been serious then all other work would have been put on hold to focus on writing the constitution.
Couldn’t the three major parties—NC, UML and Maoists—have started deliberations among themselves on contentious issues, instead of waiting for parties outside of the CA to join the process?
It would have been best if the three parties could have sat down but things did not work out like that. All parties have their own stances and though talks have been broached, it does not look like any conclusion is close. The PDCC, which includes the top leaders of all the parties, was supposed to hold talks among the parties and try to reach consensus, but it was focussed on trying to bring parties outside the CA to the table for talks.
Whose weakness do you see here?
The weakness is collective, as the PDCC includes all the political parties represented in the CA. It is not about blaming others; we cannot write a constitution that way. Whatever weaknesses the CA has and whatever achievements the CA has made, they are our collective responsibility. Whatever the reasons for the delay, and there has definitely been a delay, we need to sit together and take the process forward. The January 22 deadline for the constitution cannot be pushed back. Looking at past experience, if we push back the deadline once, it will keep happening again and again.
How long can the PDCC keep pursuing consensus among the parties before other tasks, like taking a draft to the people, must be completed?
According to the CA rules, the PDCC will prepare reports on both agreed-to and outstanding issues and send these to the CA. After whatever decision the CA takes, the issues will be forwarded to the Drafting Committee, which will prepare a draft and again send that to the CA. Discussions will again be held at the CA, after which, the draft will be taken to the people for discussion for about a month. When the draft comes back with suggestions from the people, the CA will again send the document to the PDCC for deliberation. So the role of the PDCC will continue until the very end of the constitution-writing process. The Drafting Committee will only compose a constitutional bill [bidheyak] in Mangsir [January]. So consensus can be pursued during this entire time. Up until the time the constitution is announced, the PDCC has the mandate to keep the dialogue and consensus process ongoing. There is a misunderstanding that the time for consensus has expired or is expiring. There is opportunity for consensus even after the constitutional bill is prepared.
There have been complaints about the government’s lacklustre performance in leading the constitution-writing process and creating a proper environment.
What really can the government do? Only the CA can take constitution-writing forward and all the top leaders are in the PDCC. To move ahead with the process, the parties need to come to consensus on certain issues. The prime minister cannot dictate to the parties, he can only assist them in coming together. Earlier, the prime minister had left for the US for treatment and in his absence, issues that needed his presence, like talks with the CPN-Maoist, were put on hold. But now, he is actively pursuing consensus. PM Sushil Koirala looks better now than he did before his cancer diagnosis. So I do not think that his health will be an impediment anymore.
This time too, all parties seem to be sticking to their respective stances. Could you elaborate on the NC’s stance on federalism and form of governance, the two most contentious issues?
Looking at all of the parties’ stances, it seems that we all want to ensure inclusion. I feel that the best way to do this is through a parliamentary system and a council of ministers that is answerable to the parliament. Since we’re going for federalism, we cannot have one system at the centre and another system at the state level. If we opt for a directly-elected president, the executive head of the states will also be directly elected. To elect a president, we can have a broad electoral college that includes the participation of the central parliament and the various state councils. If citizens at all levels are able to vote for the president in some way, it will ensure widespread symbolic ownership of the head of state.
On federalism, if you look at it from the viability angle, the number of states should not exceed seven. Nepal is a diverse country of many cultures, religions and languages so it is a country of multiple identities. No ethnicity has a sizeable majority in any area. We can talk around seven states but 10 and above would not be practical.
As the largest party in the CA, how flexible is the Congress on these issues?
It was under the Congress’ leadership, under Girija Prasad Koirala, that a federal republican state was declared and we will not abandon this. But there is still room for flexibility to take the process forward and reach consensus.
Now that the talks process with the Baidya-led coalition of 33 parties that remains outside the CA has started, what agendas will be discussed at the all-party roundtable?
We will sit with them and listen to their demands for inclusion into the constitution. We might find common ground through discussions as Mohan Baidya and the CPN-Maoist were also part of the former CA until the very end. They played a significant role in the 12-point agreement, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Interim Constitution. The three major parties might also find a new avenue for consensus through these talks. But again, the gist of my argument is that there cannot be any more delay.
On a different note, UCPN (Maoist) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has been in pursuit of a High Level Political Commission (HLPC) to resolve differences over contentious issues and complete the remaining tasks of the peace process.
I do not quite understand this HLPC that the media keeps bringing up. The highest level political forum for constitutional issues is the PDCC, given its mandate and the presence of all the top leaderships. But another political forum can be developed to complete the outstanding tasks of the peace process. To address the pain of the 10-year conflict, there is still a need to form a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a Disappearance Commission. We have passed a transitional justice bill and formed a recommendation committee but the commissions have yet to be formed. If these two commissions are not able to function properly, there is a danger of the entire peace process falling apart. So the parties that signed the 12-point agreement and the CPA need to sit down together, discuss these issues and come to a political understanding that will ensure lasting peace.
Will the Madhes-based parties be included in this political forum, as demanded by the UCPN (Maoist)?
The 12-point agreement and the CPA were signed between the then Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Maoists. So it is with these parties that the political mandate for the peace process rests. The leading parties from the SPA are the NC and the CPN-UML. The Maoist party has splintered since then but Prachanda still leads the UCPN (Maoist) now, as he did then. So I think it would be best for just these three parties to sit for talks on the peace process. But in constitution writing, all parties must be involved.
AFC U-16 Championship: Nepal take on Kuwait today
Courtesy: GoalNepalNepal Under-16 football team members jog during a training session in Bangkok on Monday, on the eve of their AFC U-16 Championship Group ‘C’ match against Kuwait.
KATHMANDU: Nepal will play against Kuwait in their second Group ‘C’ match of the AFC U-16 Championship on Tuesday at the Muangthong Stadium in Bangkok.
Nepal shared points with defending champions Uzbekistan, while Kuwait faced a 3-0 defeat at the hands of North Korea in Sunday’s matches. A victory against Kuwait will put Nepal in a strong position and Nepal coach Bal Gopal Maharjan was not in mood to let the opportunity slip from his hands.
“The team showed great fighting spirit against Uzbekistan and I am sure these players will put in their best efforts tomorrow,” said Maharjan, whose side has received a boost as skipper Bimal Gharti Magar will be available for the match against Kuwait. The star striker was suspended for the first match as he had picked up two yellow cards during the Qualifiers held in Kathmandu last year.
“He is our star player. His return to the squad has definitely boosted the morale of the team. With Magar being in the starting lineup, we will have a good attacking set against Kuwait,” Maharjan said, whose team badly missed the services of the striker in the opening encounter.
Maharjan said Nepal would not underestimate Kuwait and go rampantly. “Kuwait are a strong team, they played really well against North Korea,” he said. “We will have to be aware of them and we will have to play really hard against them,” said Maharjan, adding “Like the previous match, we will plan our strategy according to the situation of the game,” he said
Nepal shared points with defending champions Uzbekistan, while Kuwait faced a 3-0 defeat at the hands of North Korea in Sunday’s matches. A victory against Kuwait will put Nepal in a strong position and Nepal coach Bal Gopal Maharjan was not in mood to let the opportunity slip from his hands.
“The team showed great fighting spirit against Uzbekistan and I am sure these players will put in their best efforts tomorrow,” said Maharjan, whose side has received a boost as skipper Bimal Gharti Magar will be available for the match against Kuwait. The star striker was suspended for the first match as he had picked up two yellow cards during the Qualifiers held in Kathmandu last year.
“He is our star player. His return to the squad has definitely boosted the morale of the team. With Magar being in the starting lineup, we will have a good attacking set against Kuwait,” Maharjan said, whose team badly missed the services of the striker in the opening encounter.
Maharjan said Nepal would not underestimate Kuwait and go rampantly. “Kuwait are a strong team, they played really well against North Korea,” he said. “We will have to be aware of them and we will have to play really hard against them,” said Maharjan, adding “Like the previous match, we will plan our strategy according to the situation of the game,” he said
Yemen police shoot at Shiite protesters‚ killing 4
APYemeni riot police use water canons to disperse Hawthi Shiite protesters during clashes near the Foreign Ministry at a main road leading to the airport in Sanaa, Yemen, Sunday, Sept. 7, 2014.
ASSOCIATED PRESS
SANAA: Yemeni police on Tuesday opened fire on Shiite protesters marching toward the prime minister's office in the capital, Sanaa, killing at least four people and wounding 10, officials said.
The shooting erupted during a rally by supporters of Shiite Hawthi rebels who have been fighting against Sunni tribesmen in the country's north.
As the demonstrators marched up to the government headquarters, the police first fired tear gas to try and disperse the crowds, then started shooting.
Medical officials said four people died. Witnesses at the scene said at least 10 were wounded by gunshots while several others were injured in a stampede that erupted after the shooting, as the protesters tried to get away from the scene. The officials and witnesses spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to talk to media.
Tensions have been escalating in the Yemeni capital, where the Hawthis have staged week-long anti-government demonstrations, often clashing with the police forces and demanding that the government resign and reinstate fuel subsidies.
Negotiations have failed to diffuse the standoff and the Hawthis have kept up their rallies, camping out in the heart of Sanaa. On Sunday, one person died in the clashes with police as the Hawthi protesters marched near Sanaa's airport road.
The Hawthis had waged a six-year insurgency in the north against former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, which officially ended in 2010. After Saleh's ouster, they have fought ultraconservative Sunni Islamists in several northern cities and towns, accusing them of turning their strongholds into incubators of extremism.
The Hawthi protest threatens to further destabilize volatile Yemen, the Arab world's most impoverished country where authorities continue to battle militants led by the country's al-Qaida branch, considered by the U.S. to be the world's most dangerous offshoot of the terror group.
President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi last week dismissed his Cabinet and promised to appoint a new premier within a week in a move to offer concessions, but the Hawthis only escalated their protests.
The violence in Sanaa prompted neighboring Saudi Arabia — a Sunni kingdom long at odds with the Hawthis — to evacuate its embassy over the past two days and suspend flights to Yemen. Also, the kingdom listed the Hawthis as a terrorist group earlier this year.
In 2009, while backing the former Yemeni government, Saudi Arabia unleashed a heavy offensive against the Hawthis after an incident in which the Shiite rebels crossed into the kingdom and killed a Saudi soldier.
The shooting erupted during a rally by supporters of Shiite Hawthi rebels who have been fighting against Sunni tribesmen in the country's north.
As the demonstrators marched up to the government headquarters, the police first fired tear gas to try and disperse the crowds, then started shooting.
Medical officials said four people died. Witnesses at the scene said at least 10 were wounded by gunshots while several others were injured in a stampede that erupted after the shooting, as the protesters tried to get away from the scene. The officials and witnesses spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to talk to media.
Tensions have been escalating in the Yemeni capital, where the Hawthis have staged week-long anti-government demonstrations, often clashing with the police forces and demanding that the government resign and reinstate fuel subsidies.
Negotiations have failed to diffuse the standoff and the Hawthis have kept up their rallies, camping out in the heart of Sanaa. On Sunday, one person died in the clashes with police as the Hawthi protesters marched near Sanaa's airport road.
The Hawthis had waged a six-year insurgency in the north against former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, which officially ended in 2010. After Saleh's ouster, they have fought ultraconservative Sunni Islamists in several northern cities and towns, accusing them of turning their strongholds into incubators of extremism.
The Hawthi protest threatens to further destabilize volatile Yemen, the Arab world's most impoverished country where authorities continue to battle militants led by the country's al-Qaida branch, considered by the U.S. to be the world's most dangerous offshoot of the terror group.
President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi last week dismissed his Cabinet and promised to appoint a new premier within a week in a move to offer concessions, but the Hawthis only escalated their protests.
The violence in Sanaa prompted neighboring Saudi Arabia — a Sunni kingdom long at odds with the Hawthis — to evacuate its embassy over the past two days and suspend flights to Yemen. Also, the kingdom listed the Hawthis as a terrorist group earlier this year.
In 2009, while backing the former Yemeni government, Saudi Arabia unleashed a heavy offensive against the Hawthis after an incident in which the Shiite rebels crossed into the kingdom and killed a Saudi soldier.
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